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Airlines in Crisis: From Bad to Worse
The airlines suffered one of the new war's biggest blows; $15 billion
won't begin to fix it.
(Continued, page 2)
In late
2000, the airlines began losing their most lucrative customers--business travelers--in
hordes. Part of the reason was the normal cost cutting that occurs during a
downturn. "Air travel is one of the expenses you can shut down fastest,"
says Greenwald, now a managing partner at Greenbriar Equity, which invests in
transportation companies. Airline tickets were an especially fat target. Between
1996 and 2001, business prices rose 76%, according to the Business Travel Coalition.
Delta roundtrip fares from Atlanta to San Francisco ballooned from $1,216 to
$2,048. Says Douglas Steenland, president of Northwest: "The spread between
business and leisure prices got wider. We now get 15% of our traffic from unrestricted
business customers and 40% of our revenues." On average, business fares
are twice the cost of leisure fares, vs. 1.5 times in the early 1990s.
Why did
business fares explode? The strong economy packed planes with corporate travelers
far faster than the airlines could add new seats. Production gaffes at Boeing
slowed deliveries of new planes that would have eased the pressure
and prices. It was business customers, booking a day or two before departure,
who paid top dollar for the few remaining seats. The problem was especially
dire in "fortress hubs" with one dominant carrier, notably American
in Dallas and Northwest in Minneapolis. "If most of your business was concentrated
in that hub, you had little leverage to get discounts, no matter how much business
you gave the airline," says Charles Braswell, director of global travel
management at DaimlerChrysler.
But the
runaway prices that swelled profits eventually caused them to collapse. "CFOs
were boiling about the airline bills, ordering their travel managers to slash
them," says Mitchell of the Business Travel Coalition. Since late 2000,
DaimlerChrysler had pared its spending on tickets from $100 million annually
to $60 million. "We're moving much more to teleconferencing and videoconferencing
to save money," says Braswell. All told, the airlines' business travel
had dropped a staggering 30% since January. That alone should have been a red
flag for the airlines. They would no longer be able to heap their big cost increases
onto corporate customers.
Though
airlines managed to lure leisure travelers to replace much of the departed business
crowd, the corporate exodus hit hard. By September revenues were running 7%
lower than last year. Before the disaster, the industry had already lost $2.5
billion and was on track to lose $3.5 billion, its worst performance since 1992.
Now the losses will be truly staggering: between $10 billion and $11 billion.
To cut costs the airlines are laying off about 20% of their work force. But
because union contracts oblige them to furlough their lowest-paid employees
first, the labor savings will be modest. And because the industry has high fixed
costs--about 75% of its spending goes for airplane leases, interest payments,
and labor--revenues fall much faster than expenses when air traffic plummets.
"We've never faced anything like this--all these fixed costs and a period
where no one is flying," marvels Northwest chairman Gary Wilson. "It's
incredible."
To bolster
the case for a bailout, the Air Transport Association, the industry's lobbying
arm, assembled a detailed forecast for Congress. Although some of its numbers
are predictably alarming, one seems far too conservative: In calculating the
airlines' expenses, the ATA doesn't include interest payments on any new debt--not
even on the $10 billion the government could guarantee. Between now and the
end of the year, the ATA says industry revenues will drop 40% from pre-Sept.
11 levels. Total revenue for the quarter will be about $15 billion--vs. $25
billion in 2000--temporarily shrinking the industry to the size it was in 1989.
To soften
the losses, the industry will do three things: reduce flights and personnel,
delay the delivery of aircraft, and--here's the main fix--tap $15 billion in
government cash and guarantees. On average, the airlines are eliminating one-fifth
of their flights. At Newark, Continental is erasing 75 of its 377 daily departures.
But in airline math, 20% less capacity doesn't mean 20% lower costs. "Our
expenses will drop only about 10%," admits Continental CEO Gordon Bethune.
It's that sticky fixed-cost problem.
The carriers
also face pockets of rising expenses. Because security checks will take longer,
the airlines won't get as many flights a day from each aircraft. "You increase
the time it takes to turn around each plane by 15 minutes, and you could lose
two out of ten departures a day," says Darryl Jenkins, director of the
Aviation Institute at George Washington University. "That raises costs
by reducing how much business you get out of your fixed assets." As for
security costs, most of the proposals in Congress have the industry paying about
what it does now, with the government assuming the rest.
Because
the carriers are locked into contracts with the manufacturers, they don't have
much room to reduce the $20 billion a year they devote to capital spending.
Much of that goes toward planes already on order or on the factory floor. By
delaying deliveries for six months to a year, they might be able to save a couple
of billion dollars annually.
The airlines'
biggest source of cash is the $15 billion they are getting from the government.
They will divide a $5 billion grant in proportion to their size; American will
pocket $900 million, while AirTran will get about $30 million. The $10 billion
loan guarantees also will likely be distributed by size. Though the bailout
package is huge, the airlines' potential losses swamp the grants and guarantees,
even factoring in savings on capital spending and downsizing. The ATA estimates
that by next October the industry will need an extra $9 billion. What's truly
scary is the outlook beyond. Even if traffic rebounds late next year, the ATA
says the airlines will lose money at the rate of $5 billion a year.
While all
the carriers have been hurt, some are feeling more pain than others. The industry
is divided into two main groups: low-cost or discount airlines like Southwest,
and high-cost, hub-and-spoke carriers like American and United. Philip Baggaley,
an analyst with S&P, says Southwest is "the strongest carrier in the
U.S." The company had solid profits for the first half of 2001. It also
has excellent relations with its unions and one of the strongest balance sheets
in the business. Among
discounters, other probable survivors include JetBlue, which flies out of New
York's JFK, and AirTran, a bargain rival to Delta in Atlanta. AirTran charges
an $89 one-way business fare to Newark. The endangered discounters are Frontier
and Spirit, smaller players with shallow pockets. Their demise would be a shame
for travelers. Frontier, for example, does yeoman's work challenging United--and
holding down fares--in Denver.
Among the
hub-and-spoke majors, US Airways and America West are almost certain to disappear.
America West lacks the size and reach to fly profitably. US Airways is trying
to recast itself as a regional carrier. But it has the costs of a major, and
the lengthy shutdown of Washington's Ronald Reagan Airport may quicken its demise.
It's unlikely that a big airline would buy either US Airways or America West
because of their weak finances; instead, different carriers would compete to
buy their routes.
Financially,
the strongest hub-and-spoke carrier is Delta, which has $2.5 billion in cash
and could raise another $5 billion by mortgaging its aircraft. Continental is
more profitable than Delta; it and Southwest were the only major carriers to
make money in the first half of 2001. Continental's labor costs are relatively
low, and it has better relations with its unions than rivals like United. But
despite its strengths, Continental is in danger; it is deeply in debt, and its
planes are highly leveraged.
United,
American, and Northwest are somewhere in the middle--stronger than US Airways,
weaker than Delta. United has high costs and a lot of debt, but if traffic recovers
it will have enough cash to last through the end of 2002. American is slightly
better off than United. Its balance sheet is stronger. It also got a lucky break
shortly before the disaster when its pilots turned down a fast-track negotiating
proposal that included generous pay raises; now, the ravaged landscape could
help American executives negotiate a better agreement. Northwest also has high
costs but plenty of cash. If business rebounds, it will reap the benefits because
it dominates two of the most lucrative hubs in the industry: Minneapolis and
Detroit.
At the
most basic level, the government's rescue plan will do exactly what it must
in the short term: keep the planes in the sky. But Greenspan and his board should
also step up the pressure on the airlines to do what they must: face down their
unions and radically lower their costs. Unless the industry and its CEOs take
these radical, courageous steps, they'll eventually run to Washington for more
money. Before it pledges a single additional dollar, the government should ask
the carriers to demand big pay cuts from their unions; it should require concessions
from the airplane manufacturers, such as lower interest rates on leases; and
it should ask for sacrifices from the banks and bondholders that will own tens
of billions in airline debt.
In return,
Washington can lift the industry's most crushing burden: the power of strikes--especially
by pilots--to cripple a carrier. The airline CEOs support a bill sponsored by
Senator John McCain that could impose mandatory arbitration when the unions
and management can't agree; that would go a long way toward eliminating the
coercive power of strikes. "It's the only way to make the balance of power
relatively equal," says Delta's Mullin. Although mandatory arbitration
has had an inflationary effect in baseball, it would still be an immense improvement
for the airlines. Caving in, even when you know the demands are disastrous,
would no longer be the only option.
Tough love,
as every parent knows, is never easy. But it often works. The government should
remember the trauma and triumph of Chrysler as the airlines plead their case
in Washington.
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